Saturday, 27 February 2016

Notes on "This time is different : eight centuries of financial folly" (Carmen M. Reinhart, Kenneth S Rogoff)

This time is different : eight centuries of financial folly


    Authors: Carmen M. Reinhart, Kenneth S Rogoff
    Princeton, NJ ; Woodstock : Princeton University Press  c2009

    • Grounded in a quantitative and historical analysis of crises
    • Inflation and currency crisis
    • History of financial crises
    • Debt intolerance is a syndrome in which weak institutional structures and a problematic political system make external borrowing a tempting device for governments to employ to avoid hard decisions about spending and taxing
    • Record a global database on financial crisis with a long-term view
      • From 1720s until now
      • Concentrate at the 20th century and later

Saturday, 20 February 2016

Notes on "The shifts and the shocks" (Martin Wolf)


The shifts and the shocks : what we've learned - and have still to learn - from the financial crisis

Martin Wolf, 1946-, author.
London : Penguin Books  2015

  • The Crisis
    • A sudden stop in capital markets
    • Policymakers put the full resources of their states behind the financial system
      • Injecting capital, providing liquidity and guaranteeing liabilities
      • The central banks slashed their interest rates to unprecedentedly low level
    • Fiscal deficits of a number of significant high-income countries rose to unprecedented peacetime levels when the crisis hit
    • Why is the impact of a financial crisis so prolonged
      • Prior to the crash, unsustainable increases in private debt, or leverage, had occurred within several economies
      • The sustained rise in debt and associated spending distorts economies
      • The adverse impact on the financial sector
        • Overloaded with bad debt and under-capitalised, financial institutions become far more cautious
      • Inflation may become too low or worse, deflation may set in
      • Economies may end up in a state of sustained malaise
        • As John Maynard Keynes argued, this paralyses what he called the 'animal spirits' of business
        • A vicious spiral: low investment means weak demand and low economic growth, and so justifies the decision to postpone investment
    • At the lowest interest rate the central bank could create, the private and foreign sectors would have had a large excess of income over desired spending at full employment
      • This could be dealt with in only one of two ways:
        • A collapse in income greater than the associated collapse in spending - that is, an outright depression
        • A large fiscal deficit
  • Austerity
    • Fiscal tightening did indeed begin in 2010 or 2011 in all the big countries
    • Fiscal austerity proved contractionary, given that post-crisis private demand was so weak and interest rates were very close to zero
    • Why did this premature policy reversal occur?
      • Influential academic research on the limits to public indebtedness and the feasibility of 'expansionary contradictions'
      • Mistaken belief that the recovery was already entrenched
      • 'paradox of thrift' - a phrase first popularized by Paul Samuelson
      • Politics
        • Conflicts between different parties' policy beliefs
  • Huge housing bubbles and credit booms
  • Germany was the largest creditor
  • The political benefits of the Eurozone are that it is the capstone of the European project, to which Germany has been strongly committed since shortly after the WW2
  • Unravelling the Eurozone would create huge economic and political disruption
  • Fearful of 'moral hazard'
  • The crisis of Spain and Italy has made investorss worried about the destructive nexus between banks and sovereigns
  • The ECB's response to the crisis: outright monetary transactions
    • Improve the functioning of monetary policy and safeguard the viability of the euro
  • The European currency union represents the worst of both worlds: members are not on their own, as are sovereign countries with fixed exchange rates, while the credibility of the currency arrangement is also greater than that of a unilateral commitment; but members also do not benefit from most of the automatic risk-pooling features of a modern federal state, while their currency union is less credible than one embedded in such a federation
  • Direct financing of deficits was ruled out by the founding treaties of the currency union
  • China is unsustainable, for two reasons:
    • A long-run: ultimately, the goal of production is consumption. It makes no sense, in the long run, for investment to grow faster than consumption. If it does, it is likely that investment to grow faster than consumption. If it does, economic returns on investment is falling
A short-run: the level of investment itself depends on the rate of the economic growth: the higher the growth rate of an economy, the higher the share of investment in GDP is likely to be. As the Chinese growth rate slows, as everybody (including the government) expects - now that the country no longer enjoys the benefits of huge amounts of surplus labour and has become a middle-income country - the need for investment is likely to fall sharply. But that is also going to take way a crucial prop to demand

  • The risk-management models were wrong. They assume a certain distribution of possible outcomes
  • Pre-crisis regulation is based on the theory of efficient and rational markets
  • Policymakers assumed the system was far more stable responsible, indeed, than it was.
  • This assumption was so widely shared that so many countries were affected
  • Policymakers thought stable inflation would deliver economic stability that they successfully stablised the inflation but failed to offer economic stability
  • Property assets: illiquid markets
  • The US has little direct influence on the value of the US dollar, because of the currency's role as a reserve asset
    • The US dollar is an 'exorbitant privilege
  • Explanations for the crisis in terms of savings and credit:
    • The savings-glut hypothesis
    • The rise in gross leverage and gross cross-border flows vastly exceeded net flows from surplus to deficit countries
    • The expansion in gross leverage was overwhelmingly inside high-income countries
    • Gross-capital flows across frontiers vastly exceeded the net flows
  • The high German savings rate was the consequence of policies aimed at generating rapid employment growth by restraining German consumption in order to subsidize German manufacturing - usually at the expense of manufactures elsewhere in Europe and the world
  • What were the deeper force behind the huge shifts in global patterns of saving, investment and capital flows?
    • The shift towards economic liberalization
      • A rapid shift in production from high-income economies to cheaper low-cost producers
      • The rise of state capitalism
        • Directly control and mange their capital outflows
        • Lack of high-quality, liquid and apparently safe opportunities
          • The rise of vast sovereign wealth funds
          • Put assets in the markets of high-income countries
      • The rise in inequality (the driver of this is very complex)v
    • Technology
      • The prices of investment goods are falling rapidly relative to goods and services in general. This is particularly true for information and communication technology
    • Ageing, notably in Germany and Japan
  • The big failures lay in not recognizing how large the risks were to the system as a whole, how bad risk management was, and how big the mess bequeathed by the crisis would turn out to be
  • It is easy to accept that the timing of a crisis is unknowable
  • Adair (Lord) Turner's answers to what had economics got wrong:
    • Debt contracts create specific financial and economic stability risks; and those risks intensify as the proportion of all contracts which take a debt and in particular a short-term debt form increase
    • The existence of banks exacerbates these risks because banks can create credit and private money, and unless controlled, will tend to create sub-optimally large or sub-optimally unstable quantities of both credit and private money
    • Bank or shadow-bank lending secured against real assets which can change in value, can be even more volatile and pro-cyclical, resulting in credit and asset price cycles which end in crashes and subsequent recessions
  • What stops credit expansion
    • A crisis stops it
    • The central bank stops credit expansion by raising interest rates
  • The reason orthodox economics failed to pick up the risks was that it ruled out what most mattered
    • Modern financial economies do not equilibrate smoothly, they are dynamic systems characterized by uncertainty and 'animal spirits'
  • Mr. Bernanke (the former chairman of the Fed) made three fundamental points about the role of central banks
    • Interventions during the crisis
    • Preventing a cascading collapse into ban.kruptcy not just of the financial sector, but of large parts of the domestic and world economies
    • Stabilizing the financial system
  • The new orthodoxy
    • To stabilize inflation
    • To stabilize the financial system
    • Central bankers are strengthened in their role as lenders of last resort, but want to avoid rescuing insolvent institutions
  • Powerful objections to Mr. Bernanke's approach
    • The new orthodoxy gives enormous discretionary power to bureaucrats in managing the financial system
    • The new orthodox doctrine does not resolve the confused relationship between the state and the private sector as suppliers of money. On the contrary, it reinforces that confusion
    • The doctrine assumes that monetary policy can targeted at price stability, while macroprudential policy is targeted at financial stability
  • The alternatives to the new orthodoxy
    • Knut Wicksell on the market and natural rates of interest
    • Henry Simons and the Chicago Plan
    • Hayek and Keynes
    • Minsky's instability hypothesis
    • Lerner, Chartalism and Modern Monetary Theory

Saturday, 13 February 2016

Notes on "The bankers' new clothes: what's wrong with banking and what to do about it" (Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig)

The bankers' new clothes: what's wrong with banking and what to do about it
Authors: Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig
Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press  2014


  • A major reason for the success of bank lobbying is that banking has a certain mystique
  • Leading bankers portray the crisis primarily as a fluke, an accident that is highly unlikely to recur in our lifetimes
  • Much of the research on banking, the financial crisis, and regulatory reform is based on assumptions under which fragility is indeed unavoidable, without assessing the relevance of the assumptions in the real world
  • One clear direction for reform is to insist that banks and other financial institutions rely much less on borrowing to fund their investments
  • There is no other sector in which corporations borrow anywhere near as much as banks do
  • To prevent a complete meltdown of the system, governments and central banks all over the world provided financial institutions with funding and with guarantees for the institutions' debts
  • Borrowing creates leverage and makes the equity investment of a borrower riskier
    • The higher the borrower's reliance on debt, the greater the likelihood that the equity will be wiped out
  • Extended liability was ineffective in preventing bank runs and losses to depositors during the Great Depression because of many personal bankruptcies
  • Lliquidity problem:(sometimes)  a temporary inability
  • Liquidity problems are endemic to banking
  • To help banks overcome liquidity problems, central banks such as the Fed allow banks to borrow while posting assets with the central bank as collateral. This safety net has been introduced on the assumption that, if the assets are sound and the banks actually have only a liquidity problem, the central bank has little to lose. Meanwhile, the banks and the financial system may be spared inefficient asset sales and a possible crisis
  • Insolvency is suspected when the value of a borrower's assets is assessed to be not much higher, or even lower, than its liabilities.
  • Borrowing can be addictive
  • There were relatively few bank failures and no banking crises between 1940 and 1970, but this had more to do with the strong performance of the economy and the remarkable stability of exchange rates and interest rates than with the high quality of banking in these decades. When economic performance sputtered and exchange rates and interest rates became volatile in the 1970s, traditional banking went into a prolonged crisis
  • Many banks have developed special capacities for making loans
  • Contagion through asset price declines can also be very strong if thee are few buyers willing to invest in the risky assets
  • Three effects seem to have been responsible for the vast reach of the 2007-2009 financial crisis:
    • The mortgage-related securities that lost much of their value were held by financial institutions all over the world
    • Because the institutions that held the mortgage-related securities had very little equity to begin with, solvency concerns arose quickly, and domino effects of defaults arising from the borrowing and lending of institutions from and to one another extended over several stages
    • Much of the borrowing by banks was in the form of short-term debt from other financial institutions, particularly from money market funds
  • The interconnectedness and fragility of financial institutions have also increased because new types of financial institutions have come into the system
  • Borrowing from money market funds increases the risk of liquidity problems and runs
  • Another source of increased interconnectedness has been introduced by new techniques for managing risk
  • Derivatives and new techniques for risk management have benefited society by providing better means of sharing risks:
    • Better risk sharing can reduce dangerous exposures to risks and can transfer risks to those who are best able to bear them. This effect can make individual defaults and bankruptcies less likely and improve financial and economic stability
    • However, the new markets and new techniques have also expanded the scope for gambling, and they can be used in ways that increase rather than reduce risks in the system
      • Risks from derivatives are even larger if payments change more than proportionately with changes in the underlying variables on which the contract depends
      • The secrecy and the complexity of the contracts and strategies used in derivatives trading allow individual traders and individual banks to build up very large risks, sometimes very quickly, without any effective oversight or control
      • Because derivatives can magnify risks, extensive derivatives trading can threaten not just an individual institution but, through contagion, the entire financial system
  • Limiting banks' exposures to individual counterparties is useful. It reduces the risk - which is particularly prevalent among a small number of very large megabanks - that the failure of one institution will bring down a series of other successive institutions, a threat that played a role in the Fed bailout of AIG
  • One approach to reform is to find a way to break up the banks into smaller, more manageable, and less complex entities
    • Combining many types of businesses under one roof does not necessarily increase efficiency
    • Have two weaknesses:
      • Protection of depositors and the payment system is not the only concern that might induce governments to bail out banks
      •  commercial banking activities can also be a source of risks that cause banks to fail unless they are bailed out
  • The key objective of banking regulation should be to reduce the fragility of individual banks and of the system so that it can support the economy reliably
  • Government safety nets should be expanded to cover the entire system of short-term debts of financial institutions, nonbanks as well as banks
  • Capital regulation focuses on how banks fund their assets rather than on the assets themselves
  • The view that it is more expensive to use equity funding than to fund by borrowing is sometimes justified by the observation that for each dollar they invest in a bank's shares, shareholders "require" a higher return than debt holders require
  • Shareholders require higher returns because equity bears more risks than debt
  • The principle that interest rates charged on loans reflect the likelihood that the borrower might default and how much the lender would recover in that case can be seen in the market for the bonds of European countries
  • Return on equity (ROE) is higher with more equity
  • The more equity, the lower the required ROE
  • Explicit and implicit government guarantees have perverse effects on the extent of borrowing and risk raking of banks
  • Excessive borrowing by banks can expose the public to great risks
  • Explicit and implicit government guarantees have perverse effects on the extent of borrowing and risk taking of banks
  • Borrowing magnifies risks for the borrower both on the upside and on the downside
  • The prospect of benefitting from too-big-to-fail status can giver banks strong incentives to grow, merge, borrow, and take risks in ways that take the most advantage of the potential or actual guarantees
  • Over time issuing banknotes has become a privilege of central banks, but deposits still provide an important part of the funding of private banks, and they are still closely tied to the payment system
  • The role of banks in the payment system, in the past when they issued banknotes, as well as later with demand deposits in checking accounts, has made them vulnerable of the risk of runs
  • When banks rely mostly on borrowed funds and then make risky investments, they become vulnerable to insolvency risk as well as the risk of illiquidity problems and runs
  • The reality is that anything that is just as safe and as convenient as cash cannot pay a higher return than does cash - that is, zero
  • If differences in risks, liquidity, and the interest promised are taken into account, the need for the most perfect form of liquid asset, namely cash, is in fact fairly small
  • The increase in interconnectedness was not due just to a desire for greater efficiency. At least some elements of the chain of transactions were due to participants' trying to get around the prevailing regulations
  • As bankers and investors pursued higher returns, actual or imagined, they downplayed the risks. Banks claimed to hedge risks in ways that fooled supervisors as well as the bankers themselves but ended up being ineffective. No one bothered to keep track of where in the system the risks were going. Some of the gains in returns seemed extremely small relative to the risks involved
  • If banks have much more equity, the financial system will be safer, healthier, and less distorted
  • The easiest way to increase the health and stability of the financial system is to ban banks from making cash payouts to shareholders and to require banks to retain their earnings until they have significantly more equity. These measures would bring immediate benefits and have no harmful side effects on the economy; they would strengthen banks most quickly and directly and would entail no "unintended consequences"
  • In addition to the unnecessarily long transition period, Basel III has two other major flaws:
    • Its equity requirements are far too low
    • For the most part the required equity is related not to a bank's total assets but to what is called "risk-weighted assets", which are just a fraction of total assets
    • Basel III requires that banks have equity equal to at least 7 percent of their risk-weighted assets by January 1, 2019
  • Among the advantages to the stability of the financial system of banks' operating with much more equity is the fact that losses to banks' assets deplete equity much less intensely and thus do not require as much of an adjustment as when banks have less equity
  • Some would say that banks cannot raise so much equity. Such concerns are misplaced:
    • Any bank that is profitable should be able to increase its equity by retaining its earnings
    • When it comes to raising equity from investors, there is no distinction between bank stocks and other stocks
    • If banks have no profits that they can retain or if they cannot raise new equity, they may already be insolvent or they may not have viable business models
  • The leverage ratio approach, which specifies equity requirements relative to total assets, is considered a backstop to eliminate the most extreme abuses of the risk-weighting approach
  • In the process of determining how best to measure risk, the purpose of regulation was lost
  • Much is wrong with banking, and much can be done about it. If politicians and regulators fail to protect the public, they must face pressure to change course. The next chapter pulls together the key themes from our discussion in this book and exposes more of the convenient and flawed narratives that help justify the lack of action. The challenge is to make those who handle other people's money - including bankers, politicians, and regulators - bear more of the consequences of their decisions
  • In the liquidity narrative, the main problem for policy is to prevent runs and liquidity problems from occurring and provide liquidity when they occur
  • Bankers fight higher equity requirements, but the only way that having more equity might actually be costly to them is by preventing them from benefiting at the expense of taxpayers and creditors
  • The will of governments and regulators to take the essential steps:
    • Among our recommendations is to determine which banks are insolvent and to unwind them even if the immediate cost seem daunting
    • We strongly recommend strengthening banks by banning payouts to shareholders, such as dividends or share repurchases, until the banks have reached much higher equity levels than they currently maintain
  • We can have a financial system that works much better for the economy than the current system - without sacrificing anything. But achieving this requires that politicians and regulators focus on the public interest and carry out the necessary steps. The critical ingredient - still missing - is political will

Saturday, 6 February 2016

Notes on "Negative Interest Rate Policy as Conventional Monetary Policy" (Kimball, Miles S)

Negative Interest Rate Policy as Conventional Monetary Policy

Kimball, Miles S

2015, Vol.234(1), pp.R5-R14 [Peer Reviewed Journal]

This essay is about how best to break with that restrictive tradition and engineer nonzero interest rates on paper currency when needed for economic stabilisation.

Relevant papers: Willem Buiter and Nikolaos Panigirtzoglou (2001,2003), Buiter (2004, 2007, 2009a,b,c), Kimball (2013a,b)

Three parts:

  • the details of engineering a nonzero paper currency interest rate and thereby eliminating the lower bound
    • central banks have the power to establish the relative prices of different forms of money under their jurisdiction
    • the Fed has fixed exchange rates between all of the different forms of money under its jurisdiction
    • the starting point: to encourage economic actors to use the electronic currency as the unit of account, and as the unit in which prices are expressed
    • governments are big enough acts in the economy and in declaring focal points in multiple equilibrium situations
    • have the value of a paper dollar in terms of electronic dollars fall very gradually according to a crawling peg exchange rate
    • a great advantage of depreciating the paper dollar relative to the electronic dollar as compared to a policy of keeping paper at par but raising the inflation rate is that to provide leeway relative to the zero low bound, the paper dollar only needs to depreciate gradually
  • all of the aspects of monetary policy that would be unchanged by getting paper currency out of the way
    • instead of always treating the value of one paper dollar as equal to the value of one electronic dollar
  • the politicks of negative interest rate policy
    • to explain to people repeatedly, ideally long in advance of when negative interest rates are actually needed
    • it is worth saying over and over again that even for savers, deep negative interest rates for a short time during a serious recession, bringing speedy economic recovery, are better than zero nominal rates that are 2 per cent below inflation for years and years, accompanied by a lagging economy for that longer time
    • the focus on savers, while deeply entrenched in political thought, should be put into perspective by pointing out the benefits of negative interest rates to borrowers
    • paper currency would earn the same as electronic accounts -> no incentive to underuse paper currency
    • it may be useful to point out that the central bank can easily subsidise the provision of zero interest rates to small checking and saving accounts by tying such provision to the amount of a bank's reserves that is exempted from negative interest rates
    • with the zero lower bound vanquished, the target rate for inflation can be lowered, since inflation in the electronic unit of account is not necessary in order to steer away from the zero lower bound
    • the possibility of deep negative interest rates means that aggregate demand is no longer scarce
    • the benefits of economic stabilisation should be emphasised